Itenery of Alexander Lesley the visitor to the mission of Scotland, [1681]
Conversion
Jesuits
Plague
Scotland
Scottish Catholics abroad
Visitation
Itinerary of Alexander Lesley, the visitor to the mission of Scotland. In May 1677 he was elected visitor to the mission of Scotland by PF, and he received the instructions in October that same year. While he was staying in Strathbogie he received news from the prefect of the mission, Alessandro Winstero [Alexander Winster], that post for him had arrived from Rome. He had someone pick it up at the palace of the marquess of Huntley. Reading the letters he was surprised to be chosen as visitor, since he was the weakest of all the missionarie candidates. The winter of that year came earlier than usual, and on 15 October it was already snowing. Despite this, he went travelling around the sheriffdom of Aberdeen to visit the usual places, and to also gather the require information.. Several times his work was delayed by the bad weather, and he asked his superior for more money because he needed to travel through the provinces of Aberdeen and Banff, to find Alexander Winster. Eventually however, he did not really give him the answers he wanted. It seemed as if he made his answers agree with those of the Jesuits, while only saying general things and excluding any information about individuals. He begged Winster to answer him, but, as will become clear later, it took him very long to get a response. In the meantime he went to the south of Scotland, to find the superior of the Jesuits. Because of the bad weather it was impossible to travel any longer, and he was forced to stay at 'Monte Rosa.' In these times he met a Jesuit named Murray, but his actual name was Roberto Spreull, and he asked him to tell his superior that he really wanted to meet him. For the rest of January he stayed in Mernia [The Mearns?], and halfway through February he went up north to visit Banff to help the Catholics living there. At the house of the Barone di Balquain [Baron of Balquhain] he met another Jesuits, Giorgio Lesleo [George Lesley], and he also asked him to persuade the Jesuit superior to talk to him. Halfway through Lent he went to Moray, and there he wrote a letter to Roberto Monrho [Robert Monro], asking him to come down from the mountains to talk to him at Bogh [Gordon Castel] in 'Ainzia' [Enzie?] in April. While he was staying in Inverness he helped many Catholics that had not seen a priest for a long time. The Catholics there were very happy to see them, and he decided to stay there for a longer period. From here he returned to Muray and Angus, and at the end of April he eventually had to go to Gordon Castel (the palace of the marquess of Huntley, which was close to the river Spey). There he met Monro and together they travelled to Inverness. For their travel into the mountains they bought cloths made according to the custom of the Highlands. They travelled to Loch Ness over the river with the same name. There they met the missionary Francesco Bianchi [Francis White]. From there they went to The Aird, where they stayed in the house of Alessandro Frasero di Kinnaries, who whilst staying in Rome had met Lesley’s brother [William Lesley]. From there they went to Strathglass whose lord and almost all his vassals are devout Catholics. Because they had a mountainous road ahead of them, they had to leave their horses behind. From there they went to Invergarry, where they stayed at the residence of the Count Macdonel [MacDonell], who is also a Catholic. Here he fell sick and the wife of MacDonell advised him to return, but Lord MacDonell himself was convinced that he should continue. They arrived at Loch Lochy, almost everybody here was a heretic for which reason it was hard to find a place to sleep. They were forced to pay prices three times as high as the usual rate. The next day they went to Loch Eil by boat, and they walked to a town, were they were treated well by the Catholics. They continued their journey by boat to ‘Glenallandaill’ where the rain forced them to stay for eight days. This was the land of Moidart where almost everybody is Catholic. From here he sent a letter to Paris, which was received by Barclaio [Robert Barclay], reporting that there was one student who would be very suitable for his College. Afterwards they took another boat, and Monro had to climb a mountain to visit a very ill Catholic. In the evening they took a boat to Kyndloch [Kindlocheil?], where the lord of Moidart had a house. They stayed in a another house though on an island called ‘Zona’ [Shuna?]. They stayed there for five or six days in order to help all the Catholics. They travelled through ‘Glenwik’ and went to a place called Arasaika [Airsag?]. The priest who used to stay here, Giorgio Fannero, an Irish Dominican, had died. The population was very happy to see Monro, but when they heard that the priests were planning to leave for the islands within three days, their happiness turned into resentment. The next day they left from Cape Keapach [Keppoch?] and they went to the island of Eigg and from there to another island, Rùm. There are not many inhabitants but they are all very pious Catholics, even though they are living without any priests. From there they went to the island of Canna, all inhabitants were Catholics and received them with great enthusiasm. The inhabitants wanted them to baptize their children. Sometime before a few heretic priests had visited the island as well, and tried to do the same. From there they left for the island of Barra and ended up lost in a fog which caused an argument among the sailors. It would have been very dangerous if they would get past the last of the islands, in that case the currents could lead them all the way to America or Nova Zembla. When the fog cleared up they saw the island of Uist, and from there they went to Eriskay, where they stayed with the old widow of the lord of Moidart. From Eriskay they went to Barra, where they stayed for most of the time at the castle, also known as Kisimul Castle. As in all the places they visited, the inhabitants were very frustrated when Monro left. Lesley believes that if he had not been with him they would have forced Monro to stay. They only let him go when he promised to bring their problems to the Holy See. They travelled further, first back to Eriskay, then to the southern part of Uist. They stayed there for three weeks, which still was not enough to help everybody; Lesley could only talk to people with the help of an interpreter. He visited many other islands, which he does not describe. When he had all the information he needed, Lesley returned to the mainland. Also it was safer to return before August. A lord from the islands, of the house of MacDonell, helped them find a boat. Lord MacDonell said that Lesley’s mission to bring the notion of their misery to the pope was more important than anything else. First they had to wait till the sea became a bit calmer, then they went to Canna. The more they helped the people there, the harder it got to escape from them. Many times Lesley wished he could stay there to serve their religious needs. From Canna they went to Loch Morar and further to Loch Nevis, where they wanted to visit the island of Skye and help the Catholics in Knoydart. In Skye they found a discord between two MacDonell families. Afterwards they returned to Loch Nevis. Because of the heavy rain they were forced to stay there and Lesley had the time to see more of the region of Lochaber. Later, they entered a part of this region named ‘Locherkik.’ Because of his illness and the continuous rain, he really believed he would die there. Because the people there were heretics, they did not want to sell them anything. Sometimes though the heretics asked them to baptize their children. It still hurts Lesley to think about how many souls are lost because of a shortage of priests. Because he was ill he was forced to retreat in the house of the count of MacDonell. Later he continued to visit the rest of the region, where the possible harvest is great, but the priests few. It was moving to see how good the people were in absence of priests. After Lochaber they went to Invergarry, Loch Ness, Glenmoriston, Stratherrick and many other places. Everywhere they asked Lesley for priests to help them. He went back to Strathglass, the Aird and eventually Inverness. After this, Monro went back to the mountains, Lesley prepared himself to go back to the Lowlands. He returned to Moray and to Gordon Castle. Through Banff, Aberdeen and ‘Mervia’ he arrived in Angus. Here he had to visit his doctor and friend Dieson, and because of his illness stayed for eight weeks. In these times, a rumor of an alleged conspiracy, resulted in a persecution of Catholics not only in England but also in Scotland. With Gods help he was not arrested. While he was staying at ‘Monte Rosa’ he received a letter from Francesco Irvino [Francis Irvin] after which he immediately left the city; if he had not done so he would have fallen in their hands. A Jesuit priest had already been arrested and they had searched the houses of Catholics. All the Catholics gathered around them crying because he had to leave. His biggest concern were his notes, which he did not want to destroy. The doctor gave him a horse to flee to the countryside on, through the cold winter. He stayed at the house of a Catholic named Bridgeford. Here, close to the mountains, he was safe, because priests could always travel easily there. Many Catholics told Lelsey that the heretics were looking for him. At the same time the Jesuits had written to his superior that he was a Jansenist, and had done the Jesuit order wrong. Other Jesuits tried to set the Catholics up against him, and were told that he only obtained the position of visitor because of his brother, [William Lesley], who was the procurator of the mission in Rome. Many of his friends warned him against these accusations. He understood very well that his enemies just wanted him to make a mistake, so that they would have something to base their allegations on. Near Christmas 1678 he arrived in ‘Balvenia’ [Balvenie?] where he would hide until the persecutions would be over. He stayed at the house of his brother Giovanni in "Tullocalma" [Tullochalum?] where he celebrated Christmas. The priest of ‘Balvenia’ (who Lesley thought was a friend), told the authorities of Banff about him staying there. Lesley already had been afraid of this, and made sure he never stayed at the same place too long in the provinces of ‘Glentinetta,’ ‘Stradaunia’ [Stratdon?] and other places. He left his notes in a secret place in the mountains to protect them. From the beginning of May he travelled through Banff and Aberdeen, in the latter he was almost captured. He was staying there to rest and the old lady of Pesfodels [Pitfodels?] visited him often. One day when a heretic saw Lesley entering the house of this lady, he told the authorities. At the discussion of the magistrate, ‘lo Spione’ (a friend of this lady), went to her house to warn her. Lesley fled the house and stayed in the countryside till sunrise. After dawn he went to the house of a Catholic friend, Ricardo Irvino. From there he went to the mountains. While walking around in ‘Mervia’ he was forced to stay for three months with the aforementioned Bridgeford, because his legs were swollen. He had to spend a lot of money, in order to get the right medicine from Deison. In the fall of 1679 he went to Angus were he wrote to his superior, asking him to respond to some questions of his instruction; he already asked these questions a year earlier, and luckily he answered them shortly afterwards. At the end of fall he went to Gordon Castle. In December 1679 he arrived in Edinburgh to visit the southern parts of Scotland. Because the duke of York or Albany was staying there, everything was very expensive. He talked with him and with the duchess. In the meantime he was still waiting for the response of his superior. Eventually he came to Edinburgh, but only for a small amount of time, for which he could not answer all the questions. The superior told Lesley that he could answer his questions after returning from the north, after Easter 1680. Eventually Lelsey received the information he needed himself from the Catholics of ‘Laudonia’ [Lothian?], Galloway and Clydesdale and others and went to the north himself. In May 1680 he arrived at Gordon Castle, here he met his superior who told Lesley that he could not answer his questions, because he lost the paper containing them. For this reason Lesly was forced to travel to the place where he left his notes (at ‘Drummaica’), 60 miles from the Castle. By then he only wanted to answer after Lesley had let him read the response written by the Jesuits. When he had collected all the things he needed, Lelsey said that he wanted to go to Rome. When they saw that he was serious they started to write him letters and give him recommendations. In the meantime his superior met the superior of the Jesuits in Edinburgh to talk about the visitation. At the end he received a letter from his superior saying that he should not damage the relation between the Jesuits and the secular priests. Lesley told him that he could only tell the truth. Many have tried to support his visitation, almost everyone in fact, except the superior of the Jesuits. The great disposition of the Catholics has always given him great support. He did not want to leave his spiritual children behind, but for the good of the mission he had to do it. Eventually on 6 July 1680, he took a boat from Germoch [Garmouth] leaving for Rotterdam. The wind though blew them off course. After they passed ‘Sarmouth’ [Yarmouth?] they were struck by a tempest. There was nothing to eat and they did not have any fresh water. The wind blew them in the direction of the north of Holland. At Texel they took a pilot to lead them to port. He was forced to travel through the northern part of Holland to Amsterdam, and from there Lesley went to Rotterdam by boat. Eventually he arrived in Brussels, from where he went to Paris by coach. Because the plague ravaged Germany it was better to go through France. He had to stay a month in Paris to buy clothes and to arrange his notes. On 6 October 1680 Lesley begun his travel to Rome, until Auxerre he went by river, and from Auxerre until Chalon by road, and from Chalon to Lyon he went by water again. In Lyon he waited a while until there were horses to cross the Alps. By Turin and Piacenza he reached Loreto, and he reached Rome on 4 December 1680.
Additional comments
Alexander Lesley
APF CP 26, 302r-327r
[1681]
original; unsigned
Italian
Report
815
Origin:[Rome]
PF minutes, 1680-04-08, Rome
Algiers
Capuchins
Other religious orders
Conversion
Minutes of PF general meeting of 8 April 1680 discussing among other issues, letters from Vincenzo da Frascati and Francesco Gatta about the mission in Algiers. They write that they work to keep the Christians faithful and that there would be many conversions to Catholicism, were it not for the many scandals caused by Christians, (especially by priests). The cardinals decide to ask Jean Le Vacher for more information about the issue.
Additional comments
PF
APF ACTA 50, 98r, 112v-113v, issue 27
1680-04-08
See for the letter that was subsequently sent to Jean Le Vacher, APF LETTERE 69, 127r-v (database item 641).
Elsewhere, there is a reference to this meeting, see: APF SOCG 498, 181r-182v, 184v (database item 808).
Latin
Italian
Minutes
683
Origin: Rome
Destination:
Summary on the mission in Barbaria, [1679], [Rome]
Algiers
Conversion
Corsairs
Non-Catholic Christians
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Trinitarians
Summary on the mission in Barbaria. Trinitarian Procurator Ferdinando Di Alaba presents PF the five Trinatian hospitals in Algiers. Here the priests of his order do not only take care of the sick, but they also administer the sacraments, teach the children in the school, and ransom those that are in danger of converting.
This mission (that has been running for 70 years), has lately been disturbed by the vicar apostolic, Levacher [Jean Le Vacher]. He refuses to show his patents that he claims to have received from PF. Le Vacher forbade the priests of the hospitals to use their privileges, and took away the privilege of receiving the sacraments from the slaves. He removed the coat of arms of the king of Spain, the protector and patron of the hospitals, and also the coat of arms of the crosses. He also took the Holy sacrament from the hospital and brought it to his own house, amidst heretics, Lutherans and others. Because the priests have to take scaraments from Le Vacher's house to the hospital, there is a risk that this cannot be done in time. Le Vacher also let sick heretics enter the hospitals, and placed them in the same rooms as the Catholics; the hospitals used to take care of them in seperate rooms. He also forbade the slave priests to celebrate mass in the hospitals, making them instead travel to his house. When one priest dared to resist [Bartolomeo Da Serrano], he had him imprisoned and brought him to a Muslim court; this was a big scandal, not only among the Christians, but also among the heretics. For this reason Ferdinando aks PF in the name of his order to grant the priests in the hospitals the title and faculties of vicar apostlic, removing them from the jurisdiction of Le Vacher. Or, he asks PF to tell Le Vacher that he should not intervene in the hospitals, nor with its people. Proof of the case can be found in the collection of four testimonies made in the court of Madrid. After this summary was made, the letter of Jean Le Vacher arrived. A few years ago it seemed to PF a good idea, to declare the Trinitarian Fathers dependent from the jurisdiction of Le Vacher. Le Vacher deemed it necessary however, to issue a new decleration (similar to the one he had already received), in which it is declared that the priests of the hospitals are under his jurisdiction. Le Vacher also wrote about the abundance of missionaries that PF sends to Barbaria. According to him there is no need for more missionaries. The slave priests are dissatisfied because the missionaries take away their alms that they would receive from the slaves. With these alms they would pay for their own living, the lune to their masters, and their own ransom money. Some time ago, there where two Neapolitan priests for the mission, who asked Le Vacher for the required faculties, and he replied them that their services were not needed in Algiers. Le Vacher presided over the peace agreement between France and the Turks, which promised that the corsairs of Algiers would not enslave French people any longer. He also writes about the slaves that arrived some months ago, of which there were around 80 women, many of whom were Catholics. Some were at risk of losing their honor, when ransomed by him. The prosecretary [Domenico Corsi] states that they have continuously recieved complaints from Jean Le Vacher against the Trinitarians who have always pretended not to be subject to the vicar apostolic. Eventually during PF meeting of 28 February 1673, it was decided to give the general of this order the task to instruct his priests, that they would not administer the sacraments in the area, without a license from the vicar apostolic. One of them, Girolamo Da Sassari, persisted though. PF decided unanimously to remove Da Sassari from Algiers, and to write to the nuncio to Spain, requesting that he make sure that this would not happen again. The Trinitarian Fathers do not like the fact that Le Vacher forced them to receive the heretics, as requested in a letter written by PF dated 10 July 1673. PF renewed the orders to the general and the superiors of the hospitals, to not use the sacraments without the consent of the vicar. They also asked Le Vacher to receive the heretics in the hospitals in a more prudent way. They also order Le Vacher to give the two Neapolitan priests the faculties of missionaries, as has been decided in PF meeting of 1 December 1676; they also received the news of the death of Marcello Costa. PF decided to write to Le Vacher about the Trinitarians, and about the fact that Catholics and heretics should be seperated from each other. He should not interfene in things that are not part of his position, and PF also decided that the Neapolitan priests have to be given the faculties.
Date discussed: 1679-09-11
Additional comments
PF
APF SOCG 475, 93r-98r, 124v
[1679]
This summary is also found in the corresponding ACTA: APF ACTA 49, 205r, 214r-218v, issue 18 (database item 681).
See for the letters that were subsequently sent: APF LETTERE 68, 58v-60v (database item 636) and APF LETTERE 68, 60v-61v (database item 637).
For the mentioned letter from PF to Le Vacher, see: Letter from PF to Jean Le Vacher, 1673-07-10, Rome (database item 614).
Italian
Latin
Summary
798
Origin: [Rome]
Letter from Vicenzo Da Frascati to [PF Secretary, Edoardo Cibo], 1679-09-16, Tunis
Capuchins
Conversion
Mercedarians
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Slave priests
Tunis
Letter from Vincenzo Da Frascati to PF. Since he returned to Rome, he wants to give PF some information on the state of the mission. They tried to keep all the Catholics in the church and convert others, however the Turks could not be converted. There were a few heretics that converted themselves to Catholicism, and also a few Christians that became Turks. Francesco Gatta (one of the missionaries), started a few annual spiritual events which turned out to be very fruitful. The reputation of the Christians is damaged by the scandalous behavior of the Christians, especially by the priest's. Da Frascati has been in Tunis for three years, in which there have been five slave priests who were all involved in a controversy. The first one was a Calabrese priest, he lost the trust of his superiors and started walking around in public with golden rings, and was spreading discord. At some point he ransomed himself and left for Christendom. The second one was a Spanish Mercedarian priest, he was not that bad, however he got killed at home by a woman with a gun. In this action, another Sardinian priest got wounded whilst trying to defend the Spanish priest. He is still at the mission and is behaving well. The fourth is a priest of the enemy, who was playing cards with a Christian slave. The priest won 80 piastre after which the slave was beaten with a cane. The last priest had also played cards, with a Catholic Greek. This caused a judicial case in which the vicar and the Bey of Tunis were also involved. Eventually the slave became a slave of the Bascia, and the priest returned to Christianity.
Date discussed: 1680-04-08
Additional comments
Vincenzo Da Frascati
APF SOCG 478, 259r-v
1679-09-16
[Adressed to PF]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 50 98r, 112v-113v (database item 683).
Original; signed
Italian
Letter
803
Origin: Tunis
Destination: [Rome]
Translation of petition with five testimonies, 10-06-1679, Rome
Algiers
Conversion
Slaves (Christian)
Slave priests
Trinitarians
Petition with five testimonies. Bartolomeo Serrano [Bartolomeo Da Serrano] and Matteo Losana, are both discalced Trinitarians working in the Trinitarian hospitals in Algiers, who now claim their rights. Pope Clement VIII gave a papal bull to the Trinitarians (this was later confirmed by other popes), in which they were given various privileges, exemptions and liberties; they now ask for these privileges to be confirmed, and also for new privileges. First however, it is necessary to give information about the ongoing problems with a French priest, who calls himself vicar of Carthage [Jean Le Vacher]. Le Vacher impeded in various ways their assistance in the divine worship of the Spanish Catholics. He gave order that instead of peace, there would be unrest, giving hardship to all the Christians that could not celebrate the divine worship. They asked for testimonials to describe what actions Jean Le Vacher had committed, and how the two priests of the hospitals behaved in response. The case has been refered to Cardinal Massimi, a patron of the order, and he requested Pietro d'Aragona (in a letter dated 20 February 1677) to collect more information on the case; this was done by talking to former slaves who are currently staying at the court of Madrid, from both a religious and secular backgrounds. Their testimonies were shown to PF and to others to whom it might be necessary; this happened on 25 May 1677. The notary received in Madrid on 31 May 1677, a petition on behalf of Francesco Garcia from la Terra di Tineo in Asturië. He is the cook of the count of Umanes and is staying at his court. He left the court together with Lorenzo Santos Di San Pietro (councilor of the king of Castile), who went to the Canary islands as a judge and a visitor. Around 10 years ago, whilst they were returning to Spain, they were taken as slaves by Moorish Corsairs from Algiers. They stayed there for six years, and he worked in the hospital of San Giuseppe in Algiers, where he met Da Sarrano. He states that he always saw Sarrano working hard at the hospital. He also saw a French priest, who he thought was named Giovanni di Bachel [Jean Le Vacher] bothering Da Serrano, as he was frustrated with his religious work at the hospital. Le Vacher told the authorities that Da Serrano wanted to create an uprising, for which he was imprisoned. While Da Serrano was in prison for 13 days, Le Vacher took all the crosses, and the symbol of the Trinitarians, from the hospital. He also saw how Le Vacher forbade the slave priests to go to mass, and administer the sacraments for the sick Christian slaves without his license. He also forbade them to go to the feast of the patron saints of the hospitals, by sending Turks who said that they were sent by the French. He also forbade the administration of the sacraments, and took the eucharist from the hospital to his house. He did this so that everyone would need to go to his house. Le Vacher also wanted to keep the sick heretics and Lutherans in the same room as the Catholics. The second witness is Gio' Maria Sana [Giovanni Maria Sana] from Cagliari in Sardinia, but he is currently living at the court of Madrid. Around eight years ago this witness wanted to go from Sardinia to Napels, but was made slave by Moors from Algiers. They brought him to the city, where he was a slave for almost eight years. Last year in 1676, he was freed by Discalced Augustinians. Because he was sick, he stayed in the hospital of San Giuseppe, where he met Da Serrano. The witness saw how Da Serrano worked in the hospital, but was frustrated by a French priest who called himself vicar apostolic; in the petition he states that he does not remember the name of the French priest, but it is obviously Jean Le Vacher. He saw how Le Vacher gave orders to remove the coat of arms of the Trinitarians. He said he did this to replace them with San Louis, and other saints of his devotion. In order to do this, he had Da Serrano imprisoned by the Turks under the false pretense of wanting to cause an uprising. He forbade the slave priests from administering the sacraments in the hospitals, and allowed their masters to order these slave priests to work in the gardens. He forbade them to keep the sacrario in the chapels of the hospital, so that they had to go to the house of Le Vacher. Once, Le Vacher sent Turks to the feast of San Giuseppe to end the celebration. He also wanted to keep heretics and Lutherans in the same rooms as Catholics. The third witness is Giovanni Maria di Castello from Baiona in Galicia. In the year 1675 he was taken slave while returning from the Indies on the ship of Don Antonio Di Lima. He was brought to Algiers, where he remained a slave for 10 years and nine days. He knew Bartolomeo Da Serrano as well as Jean Le Vacher. He saw that on 25 November when Da Serrano was giving the general absolution, Le Vacher forbade him to do so, and told him that only he could do this. On another occassion, on the feast of San Giuseppe during the Holy sacrament, Le Vacher entered the chapel and said that he could not proceed. Da Serrano responded that they had always celebrated this way and that he (as a patron of the Hospitals and Chapels), did not have to answer to anyone else. Le Vacher angered by this, went to the Mohammedan Tribunal, and had the Turks and Moors stop the festivities. He also forced the Trinitarians to remove a painting of their order, and had it replaced with a painting of Saint Louis of France. After Da Serrano forbade this, Le Vacher went again to the Tribunal, and told the Turks and Moors that Da Serrano placed crosses in their country, and that he wanted to start a rebellion. All the crosses were consequently removed from the hospitals, and Da Serrano was thrown in prison were he stayed for 13 days. Le Vacher forbade anyone to administer the sacraments to the sick in the hospital, and to ensure that they would listen, he allowed their masters to have them work in the gardens. Together with the French consul, he tried to buy the hospital of San Giuseppe to turn it into a house for French merchants. They offered the Turks 800 pezzi to buy it, and whilst at first the Turks accepted, they later wanted to keep it for themselves. The Holy sacrament, that used to be kept in the hospital of San Giuseppe, was brought to the house of Le Vacher, a place full of Moors, Jews and Lutherans. Le Vacher also forced Da Serrano to accept a Lutheran among the Catholics. According to Da Serrano this was not possible, because it was against the rules of the order, and because one shouldn't place wolves among the angels; its noted that on one occassion whilst giving the Holy sacrament to a Catholic, a Lutheran nearby started to laugh. The fourth testimony is Gio' Garcia di Acevo, who is from the the archbishopric of Burgos in Saunus, and is currently staying at the court of Madrid. He has been in Algiers for 10 years, after he was taken as slave whilst travelling from Gilbraltar, with the provision for the soldiers of the king. In Algiers he met Jean Le Vacher, and when he went to the hospital of San Giuseppe, he also met Bartolomeo Serrano. Le Vacher was very close with the Turks and with their help, he had the crosses removed from the hospital of San Giuseppe, and also a painting of the mystery of the Trinity which was replaced with a painting of King Loius of France. Da Serrano was imprisoned for 13 or 14 days under the false accusation of wanting to cause a rebellion. Le Vacher forbade the priests to administer the Holy sacraments in the hospitals, forcing them to go to his house or the oratory. To make sure that they would obey, he had their masters make them work in the gardens. Le Vacher also tried to buy the hospital of San Giuseppe from the Turks. He tried to place infidels and sectarians in the same hospital rooms as the Catholics; usually the infidels were kept apart, in order for them to be converted more easily. Jo Giovanni Di Cabredo, the apostolic notary and archivist of the audience and tribunal of the nunciary in Spain, signs this in Madrid on 5 June 1677. The notaries Antonio Del Sola, Pietro Bermejo and Francesco Gutierrez do the same. Claudius Franciscus Louvet translated this from Spanish to Italian in Rome, on 10 June 1679 with his own hand.
Date discussed: 1679-09-11
Additional comments
Giovanni Di Cabredo
Claudio Francesco Louvet
APF SOCG 475, 101r-111v
1679-06-10
[Adressed to PF]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 49, 205r, 214r-218v, issue 18 (database item 681).
See for the Spanish original: APF SOCG 475, 113r-114v, 117r-118v (database item 801).
Contemporary translation
Italian
Latin
Statement
800
Origin: Rome
Destination: [Rome]
Letter from Jean Le Vacher to [PF], 1679-05-30, Algiers
Algiers
Capuchins
Conversion
Corsairs
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Slave priests
Trinitarians
Tunis
Letter from Jean Le Vacher. From the letters he received from PF, he understood that there was no reason to hope that the loss of souls in Barbaria could not be solved, due to not receiving the sacrament of confirmation. The Holy Spirit will have to work by itself, because the infidels will not allow spiritual assistance. PF suggested that it might be easier if there was a bishop in Algiers, however the bishop would risk his life. He thanks PF for the medals and crucifixes that he received. During the last few years, PF made it clear that the Trinitarian Fathers are subjected to his, or actually the apostolic authority. He has heard though, that the Trinitarians are trying to obtain independence from his authority, from Rome. Le Vacher deems it necessary that PF gives him a decree, declaring that the Trinitarians living in Algiers are subjected to the apostolic authority. He is suprised by the great number of missionaries that PF sends to Tunis, as there isn't a need for them; the slave priests have already complained about this. One Capuchin missionary named Cherubino [Cherubino Da Frascati], returned to Marseille because of tension between the slave priests and the apostolic missionaries. The slave priests need the alms from the Christians, for their daily lives and to also ransom themselves. PF also wrote to them about the Neapolitan priests that PF sent to Tunis, and the required faculties. Le Vacher however, told them that their services were not needed in the city. Some days ago he received the confirmation of the peace with France. This means that the corsais will not take any more French prisoners, as they had done for some years with the French and English; they also took an Catholic Irish, which he will try to assist. He ransomed a young French woman for 1,000 scudi, who had converted to Catholicism, and was about to lose her honor and faith. He sent her to Nimes in France. Two other women (one from France the other from Denmark) were also ransomed by him for 2,900 scudi and 80 lire. One Englishman converted to Catholicism and some other English and Dutch slaves are considering doing the same.
Date discussed: 1679-09-11
Additional comments
Jean Le Vacher
APF SOCG 475, 119r-120r
1679-05-30
[Adressed to PF]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 49, 205r, 214r-218v, issue 18 (database item 681).
Original
Italian
Letter
802
Origin: Algiers
Destination: [Rome]
Letter from [Cherubino Da Frascati to PF, 1679, Rome]
Barbary (unspecified or several locations)
Conversion
Slaves (Christian)
Tunis
Letter from [Cherubino Da Frascati]. He presents himself to PF following his return. The vicar general, Gio' Leuascer [Jean Le Vacher], ordered him to return, as the slave priests complained that they did not receive any alms. After this Le Vacher decided that Cherubino had to go back (as one can read from the attached letter), together with some other companions. Though it might prove to be necessary to let some of them return to Barbary, it was also required in order to end the abuses of taverns, and other offenses by the slave priests. The Christians there still complain that the redemption orders never appeared to free them. Many of them decided to convert, and around 150 of them did so whilst Cherubino stayed there; many more would have converted if there were no missionaries. Giuseppe Forte, a Roman that just bought a house in Trastevere at Santa Cecilia, was brought as a slave to Tunis. Due to fear of his Turkish master, he entered a mosque and converted. His master had him chained and beaten, in order to make him reconvert to Christianity; he was later absolved by Vincenzo Da Frascati.
Additional comments
The letter is undated, but it is known that Cherubino was sent back to Rome in 1679, see: APF SC Barbaria 1, 437r (database item 889).
[Cherubino Da Frascati]
APF SC Barbaria, 438r
[1679]
Adressed to [PF]
copy; unsigned
Italian
Letter
890
Origin: [Rome]
Destination: [Rome]
Report on the mission in Scotland by [William] Lesley and the Archbishop of Armagh for PF, [1678]
Conversion
Franciscans
Scotland
Scottish Catholics abroad
Relation on the Hebrides. The task to write a relation on the Hebrides was given to Archbishop of Armach [Armagh]. This relation was given to him by a franciscan missionary Fran'co Macdonel [Francis MacDonnell], who had to travel there to bring the Holy oils. The procurator [Willam Lesley] of the mission made some remarks about the content. He thinks that the amount of people that live on these island is much bigger than is described in this report. Various island are being described by their size, amount of inhabitants, whether they are Catholics or Protestants, and by its rulers. Most people on these island talk Scots "Scottish Gaelic" and the nobility speaks corrupted English. The lords of the island also have possesions on the mainland, where the people also speak Gaelic, and are very willing to the Catholic faith. Grain does not grow in these islands, but there is barley, oat and spelt and many animals; there are however, no fruit trees. There are many monuments for saints, and destroyed churches. The islands have a pseudo-bishop but he is never really present. The people there could be converted pretty easily. In the sumer people drink milk, during the winter boiled water. The rich nobility drinks beer. People do not give alms to the priests but are obliged to pay money to the Protestants. The missionaries only have the money that they receive from PF. Because there are not really foreign missionaries, the Scottish youths are instructed in Colleges outside the country, there is a risk however that they will not want to return. Flour should also be brought for the missionaries, since they live in great distress. To convert these island's one should: a) send priests who speak English, despite the problem of Scottish youth missionaries not wanting to return from abroad; b) to instruct the youths overseas, as the people prefer priests from their own country. Also described are the easiest ways to send a letter to the Scottish mission; c) it would really help if there was money to pay a schoolmaster. It was suggested that Eugenio Makelastrio would do this first, and later David Burnetto [David Burnet], but this never materialized. Maybe the brother of the procurator could teach Sciences after he finished his studies in Paris; and d) it would be a good thing if PF would write to the nobles on the island who are willing to help the Catholics. This is where the relation, that the bishop of Armagh, wrote with the help of Francis MacDonnell, ends. Lesleo [William Lesley] does not want to say anything more about this document besides the additions that he already made. Another, imcomplete, draft of the relation follows.
Additional comments
This report seems to be a reworking by William Lesley, the procurator of the Scottish Mission, of the report of the archbishop of Armagh (probably James Margelson). The missionary Francis MacDonnell also had a role in this, but it seems as if he provided the information to the archbishop who wrote the report. The archbishop says that he delivered the relation on 2 September 1671. The problem is however that Lesley still made changes to the document. The letters in the same file written by Lelsey are from much later, in 1678. Hence the report is probably written around the same time.
William Lesley
Archbishop of Armagh
APF Scozia vol. 1, 593r-607r, 697r-699r
[1678]
Adressed to S. Cong'ne Particolare
Orignal; draft
Italian
Report
745
Origin: unknown
Destination: Rome
PF minutes, 1678-02-07, Rome
Tunis
Conversion
Renegades
Minutes of PF general meeting of 7 February 1678 discussing among other issues, a letter from Francesco Gatta, a missionary in Barbary. He writes about a Spanish boy who has endured many sufferings at the hands of his brothers and Father, who took him to Tunis with the express intention of converting to Judaism. They themselves had already converted, however he refused, despite the many beatings he suffered over the course of the year. The cardinals decide that the boy should receive protection, and that a certain "Julio de Angelino," from Livorno should be contacted, in order to find out whether the boy arrived in Livorno, or if there is any news about him.
Additional comments
PF
APF ACTA 48, 23r, 31r-v, issue 14
1678-02-07
See for the letter discussed during this meeting: APF SOCG 467, 165r, 166r-168v (database item 661).
Latin
Italian
Minutes
677
Origin: Rome
Destination:
Petition on behalf of Luigi Da Palermo, [1677]
Capuchins
CM petitions
Conversion
Ransom
Renegades
Slaves (Christian)
Tunis
Petition on behalf of unknown to PF. Luigi Da Palermo sent a long letter explaining his situation. He has been enslaved in Algiers, and he postponed ransoming himself, in order to work all day and night for the poor souls. His [Capuchin] procurator general has revealed the great merit he had for the mission: he converted two heretics and Renegato Valentiano. Gio LeVascier [Jean Le Vacher] ransomed him with the promise that he would work for the mission as vicar apostolic of Tunis, and vicar general of Carthage, and he has been approved as provicar by PF. When he arrived in Tunis, he ended the quarrels among different groups. He has brought great success to the mission, despite there being only few missionaries; one of whom was Marcello Costa, as one can read from the defense. Two heretics coverted to Catholism due to his work, and one was a poor Gerbino who converted and promised to flee to Malta. He tried to reconcile the two Christians with each other, however the following night, they got into a fight, and one of them cut the other with a knife. He was severly injured, and whilst he lay dying on the ground, he was consoled by Luigi Da Palermo, who gave confession and forgave his murderer. The other (the murderer), was sentenced to death by the dogana, however first he converted, repented his sins and confessed. He was resolved from his sins and from excommunication. His arms and legs were cut off and he was dragged through the city. After this, when he was black and swollen, he was burned under the window of Luigi Da Palermo. Then he was dragged through the city for a second time, and was eventually burried with many stones. The Christians saw that Luigi Da Palermo was beaten to the ground, and believed him to be dead. They thought it a great miracle not only that he was alive but also that he was not hurt. He baptised a child from a Christian slave, despite her master not wanting the child to be baptised; after two weeks the child died and went to heaven. Two Greek women were bought by two Christians, who mistreated them. Many renegades come to Luigi Da Palermo stating that they are confused and afraid that heaven would be closed to them. Luigi advised them to flee to the Christian world, write down their names (including surname) and place of origin, and to send these details to Christianity, so that their punishment will be lessened. Luigi Da Palermo told the French consul of Tunis, Gio' Ambrosino [Jean Ambrozin] that he could not take the money that belonged to the church of Tunis. Because of Ambrozin many souls will now be lost. PF has sent a message to Jean Le Vacher, asking him to make sure that he will do something about the consul. The alms are used to help the sick, the poor and afflicted Christians. There was also a woman in Tunis, with two virgin daughters from Corsica. Luigi Da Palermo and the other missionaries discussed who in the Christian world could help these people. They all agreed that they should ask the grand duke of Tuscany, and whilst Luigi was in Palermo, 1000 scudi arrived in Tunis to free all three of them. Filippo Brescia from the city of Trepani arrived in Tunis with the plan of the renegade. Luigi visited him, took him to his house, converted him and took care of him. Eventually he sent him back to Christendom. There were also two freed Christians who couldn't leave the city because they had no money to pay the port. Luigi collected 60 piastre, payed the port and they could leave for Messina. Luigi always used to go to the bodies of S. Perpetua and Felicità in Turbura, and he was planning to spend the 280 piastre he had collected from alms for them. Eventually though he decided to spend it on the ransoming of the two souls. There were also two young Spaniards, who were tortured into renouncing their faith because their masters wanted to take them to Mecca. He lent them money from French merchants, also and took money from S. Leonardo and S. Lucia to ransom the boys, and send them back to the Christian world. In Sicily he presented the boys to the viceroy who promissed to pay the debts. Because of an uproar the viceroy had to leave for Messina. Luigi Da Palermo went to Rome, disillusioned as he was, and presented the great need of the mission. PF did not take this very well, and he was sent back to Palermo until further notice. He than again returned to Rome, after which his active and passive voice was taken away. Luigi Da Palermo has been prosecuted for theft for six years because he would have stolen 250 piastre; this has ruined his reputation. Luigi Da Palermo has a letter written in Spanish from Luis de Loyo, the curator of the royal patrimony in Sicily, about the 200 piastre from S. Francesco used for Pietro de Salorsano [one of the freed slaves]; he also wrote a letter defending Luigi Da Palermo, and Giuseppe De Leon (the other slave) is in Sicily. Luigi has always done good work for the mission. If he is found guilty, he should be punished, but if he is found innocent, it would not be right to let him suffer any longer, and to further ruin his reputation. When asking to return to Tunis, he asks for further hardship without pay, as in these countries one is in continuous risk of losing one's life for Christ. In the case that PF does not want to use the services of Luigi any longer, they should repay the money to the churches in Tunis. Luigi already paid 50 to S. Francesco and would have payed the rest after his return. They could also asked the other freed slave, Giuseppe De Leon, to repay the money and save Luigi's reputation.
Date discussed: 1677-08-03
Additional comments
Luigi Da Palermo
APF SOCG 465, 231r-232r, 233v
[1677]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 47164r, 165v-167r (not in this database).
Italian
Petition
797
Origin: unknown
Destination: Rome
Defense of Luigi Da Palermo, [1677]
Capuchins
Conversion
Ransom
Tunis
Defense of Luigi Da Palermo, and the reasons why he had to travel to Palermo: a) to protect and control the ransoming of slaves in his native Palermo, as one can obtain in a letter sent to PF. He also had to bring the safe conducts from the customs to Palermo; b) to bring Filippo Brescia, a doctor who spontaneously went to Tunis to convert, safely back into Christendom. He also brought back with him to Palermo two Spanish slaves (ransomed fro 400 piastre), and he asks the viceroy for 250 piastre that he had previously lent the chruch of Tunis; and c) he felt obliged to go to Rome himself, because he never received an answer from the letters that he wrote for an entire year to Gio' le Vascier [Jean Le Vacher] and PF. The letters were about the children and women that were about to lose their faith.
Date discussed: 1677-08-02
Additional comments
Luigi Da Palermo
APF SOCG 465, 228r
[1677]
Adressed to PF
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 47164r, 165v-167r (not in this database).
Italian
Varia
796
Origin: unknown
Destination: [Rome]
Summary of the case of Luigi Da Palermo, 1677-08-02, [Rome]
Capuchins
Conversion
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Tunis
Summary of the case of Luigi Da Palermo. The Capuchin Commissary General Gios'e Da Ica [Gioseppe Da Ica] has brought a case to PF against Luigi [Da Palermo]. He reports that Luigi did not live a good religious life, and that he took 250 piastre from the church. Luigi said he used this money to ransom two Spanish slaves, and because he feared punishment he fled from Palermo to Rome. He also claims that Gioseppe is persecuting him for private reasons, and that he actually spent the money to ransom Pietro De Salorsano and Giseppe Di Leona. He asks PF to investigate the case and protect his reputation. Luigi Da Palermo also presented a letter written by Luigi De Losio, but because he forgot his duty, he went to Sicily. PF decided in the meeting of 6 October 1671, in presence of the pope, to deprive Luigi Da Palermo of his active and passive voice. After this decision was passed down, Luigi Da Palermo has presented documents asking to restore his active and passive voice. Its noted that he had been forced to leave the mission for the following reasons: a) he had to protect and control the ransoming in his native Palermo; b) he had to bring Filippo Brescia from Trapani back to Christianity, as he had spontaneously travelled to Tunis to convert himself; and c) he has written to both PF and Levacher [Jean Le Vacher] for over a year, but has yet to recieve a response. He has started to believe that all his letters have been lost, therefore he believed it would be best for him to travel to Rome himself, leaving the city in the good hands of the other missionaries. The father general thinks that Luigi should be granted the grace he is asking for.
Date discussed: 1677-08-02
Additional comments
PF
APF SOCG 465, 225r, 234r-v
1677-08-02
This summary also appears in the ACTA: APF ACTA 47164r, 165v-167r (not in this database).
Italian
Summary
794
Origin: [Rome]
Letter from Giovanni Battista Garbi a slave in Algiers to [the PF Prefect, Paluzio Altieri], 1677-05-20, Tunis
Algiers
Conversion
Poland
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Letter from Giovanni Battista Garbi to PF. The slave Gian Battista Garbi, who used to work in the service of Abbot Carlo Grapi in the court of his Eminence in Poland, threw himself at his knees before his Emminence. He begged his Eminence for some alms, in order to help him out of the infernal pains that he is suffering in slavery. His master is mistreating him, in order to make him a renegade of the faith of Christ, or to ransom himself. He is however not able to buy his own freedom, because his master asks for 400 scudi. For this reason he asks the viceroy and the mother of his eminence, to give him some alms to help his ransom. Garbi asks the nuncio to Spain to recommend him to the redemption Fathers, who come to Algiers to ransom slaves; they ask him to write down his name, Gian Battista Garbi Omperial, who is a slave in the baths of the Divan.
Additional comments
Gian Battista Garbi
APF SC Barbaria 1, 407r-408r
1677-05-20
[Adressed to Paluzio Altieri]
original; signed
Italian
Letter
886
Origin: Algiers
Destination: [Rome]
Letter from PF to the inquisitor of Malta, 1676-02-04, Rome
Malta
Conversion
Slaves (Muslim)
Letter from PF to the inquisitor of Malta. In response to his letter of 17 May, which stated that the inquisitor may decide for himself what to do with a (Muslim) mother of two slave girls, who had converted to Catholicism, i.e. whether to let her go back to her own country or keep her in Malta. He is instructed to let PF know his decision. The letter dated 4 February 1676.
Additional comments
PF
APF LETTERE 65, 8v
1676-02-04
Addressed to the inquisitor of Malta
Italian
Letter
627
Origin: Rome
Destination: Malta
Summary on the reports from the Barbaria mission, [1675]
Conversion
Malta
Ransom
Slaves (Muslim)
Tunis
Summary of the reports from the Barbaria mission. In July 1672 the provicar of Tunis sent a letter to PF, stating that in Malta two young girls were converted to Christianity. Because they wanted to gather more information, they wrote to the inquisitor who informed them that for ten years there had been a slave in Malta with two daughters, who were all bought by a Maltese. After ten years, the woman ransomed herself and went to Tunis (her home country), to collect money and ransom her children as well. Her daughters converted to Christianity during her absense, which was completely voluntarily. When the mother returned and saw her children had converted, she was very angry. Because of this PF sent a letter dated 19 December to the provicar of Tunis. PF informed him about the situation, and ordered him to make sure that the slaves were well treated, and were not being forced to convert.
The inquisitor stated that the woman (who was taken slave again), wanted to talk with her children, and to follow their example; she wanted the opportunity to travel to Tunis again, in order to collect the ransom of 400 (no currency given), after which she wanted to return to Malta and live their with her daughters.
Date discussed: 1676-02-04
Additional comments
PF
APF SOCG 457, 226r-227v, 229v
[1675]
See for the letter to the provicar of Tunis: APF LETTERE 59, 36r (database item 607).
See for the same summary in the ACTA: APF ACTA 46, 24r-25r.
Original
Italian
Summary
792
Origin: [Rome]
Letter from Pallavicino to [the PF Prefect, Paluzio Altieri], 1675-05-27, Malta.
Conversion
Malta
Ransom
Slaves (Muslim)
Tunis
Letter from Pallavicino to PF Prefect. There has been some uproar in Barbaria, because of the voluntary conversion of two girls to Christianity. Because of the orders given to him by PF on 14 July 1672, he has informed PF about the situation in a letter dated 24 August. Now the woman (who has been taken slave for the second time), has returned, he has been able to talk to her. After many conversations she was willing to convert herself to Christianity, though she still had to return to Tunis to collect her ransom of 400 "di q'ta m'ta di rame." Whilst she wanted to live with her daughters in Malta but in freedom, Pallavicino is afraid that she will not keep her word.
Date discussed: 1676-02-04
Additional comments
Pallavicino
APF SOCG 457, 227r-v, 229v
1675-05-27
Adressed to [Paluzio Altieri]
See for the earlier letter to the provicar of Tunis: APF LETTERE 59, 36r (database item 607).
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 46, 20r, 24r-25r.
Original
Italian
Letter
793
Origin: Malta
Destination: [Rome]
Letter from PF to the superior general of the Jesuits, 1674-08-03, Rome
Scotland
Jesuits
Conversion
Copy of a letter from the secretary of PF to the superior general of the Jesuits. PF asks the superior three things regarding the Jesuit mission in Scotland: a) to order his missionaries to disperse over the whole country, and not stay at particular families or congregate in a few cities; b) to send some talented Jesuits to the universities in Scotland, in order to convert some of the smart young Protestants residing there; and c) to order the Jesuits to teach some young Scots in their own country instead of sending them to the mainland, since there is a high risk that they might not want to return to Scotland. The letter dated 3 August 1674.
Additional comments
PF
APF LETTERE 63, 73v-74r
1674-08-03
Addressed to the superior general of the Jesuits
Italian
Letter
623
Origin: Rome
Destination: unknown
Report on the Scottish mission, 1674-07-21, [Rome]
Capuchins
Conversion
Jesuits
Scotland
Visitation
Since it had been decided that everything discussed in the Congregazione Particulare (CP) also has to be reported to the Congregazione Generale, they have made a list of everything that was decided during the meeting of 21 July 1674, on Scotland.
a) someone has to visit the four Scottish Colleges, and the first to be visited should be the College in Paris, which is administered by the Carthusians. They received an answer saying that they should speak with the prior general of the Carthusians in order to choose a visitor of this order, and they also wrote the nuncio to France about the matter. For the College in Douai, which is administered by the Jesuits, they should write to the internuncio and discuss the matter with the father general of the Jesuits. For the College in Madrid, they should write the nuncio to Spain, and also to Cardinal Borromeo. For the College in Rome, they should write to the most imminent protector; b) it was decided that students who want to become secular priests had to be selected for the Colleges. They received an answer that the Jesuits should choose students for the College of Rome, which are then approved by the prefect of the mission; c) it was decided that to increase the number of secular priests, it should be made clear that the congregation wants to use their services. Therefore a declaration should be made; d) it was decided that Irish missionaries should be sent into the mountains. They received the reply that this would be done; e) there is a big need for sacred furnishings. The proposal was accepted, and it was decided to discuss with the prior of the mission the amount of furnishings needed; f) there was also a big need for books. They responded that when it was made clear what books were needed, they would provide them; g) it was decided that the provisions should be paid earlier to the missionaries, and this was approved; h) it should be made clear on what day the missionaries begin receiving the provision. This issue was approved; i) they should use the revenues from the College in Madrid for the mission itself, since there are not any Scottish students there anyway. They received an answer stating that the nuncio should be written to about the way in which the goods ought to be sold, and they should wait for his report; j) sometimes it might be necessary to limit the faculties of the missionaries, or to remove them from the mission. The issue about the faculties was approved; k) it was said that the prefect should stay in Edinburgh. They have decided that it should be left to the prefect to decide; l) it was decided that the missionaries should be spread equally over the dioceses. They received the answer that the superiors of the religious orders should be instructed to do this; m) there should be some missionaries present at the Universities to convert talented students. It was decided that the father general of the Jesuits should be written to about this; n) as there is no-one to administer the sacrament of confirmation, an Irish bishop should be sent on certain occasions into Scotland. They received the answer that the internuncio should be written to regarding his matter, in order to know from what diocese this would be the easiest; o) there should be youths deemed suitable, selected for the Colleges. They were instructed to speak with the superiors, and for the College of Rome, it was already decided that they should ask the approval of the prefect; p) the prefects should have the faculty to recall missionaries that are absent. They received the answer, saying that the prefect should have this faculty in order to force the missionaries to keep their oath; q) it was decided that the Colleges should not receive Scottish students without the approval of the prefect of the mission. This was approved; r) it was decided that students should be taught within their own country. They received the answer that they should discuss this with the father general of the Jesuits; s) it should be forbidden for Catholics to attend heretic schools. They received the answer that the missionaries should be instructed to prohibit Catholics from going to the schools of the heretics; t) it was said that the provision of the schoolmasters should be raised. It was decided that the provision should be raised to 50 scudi, and it was prohibited to take money from the students (or their parents), under the penalty of excommunication; u) it was suggested that the schoolmasters should only be secular priests. This was approved; v) it was said that the prefect should have the faculty to consecrate chalices and portable altars. They responded that this had already been approved; w) it was said that they needed a hospital for retired missionaries in either Dieppe, Caen, or in Normandy. It was decided that the funds necessary for such a house should be assigned to the project; x) it was said that the prefect should have the faculties to give dimissorial letters. They received the answer saying that the faculties had been conceded to the prefect by the rectors of the pontifical Colleges, for 12 years.
y) It was said that in the college of Rome they should especially host students from the mountain areas. They received an answer saying that they should wait for the report of the most eminent protectors; z) it was said that there should be a visitation to the mission. They received an answer stating that they should ask the nuncio to France for a suitable person; aa) It was suggested that there should be a superior for the whole mission, both secular and regular. They received an answer saying that they wrote the nuncio to France and the internuncio to Belgium, requesting information for a suitable candidate for superior; ab) It was said that they should elect a vice-prefect. They received an answer saying that the current situation should be maintained; ac) it was said that the Prefect should have the authority to give faculties to those who have not been declared missionaries by PF. They received an answer saying that they wanted to maintain the old situation; ad) it was said that the mission should receive some kind of grant, as Pope Urban did when he gave 4,000 scudi for the foundation of a Scottish convent in Avignon, and as Pope Alexander did for the mission of the Cevenne in the Linguadoc; ae) it should be made clear whether the students of the Colleges need to receive absolution for irregularity, as they usually have been heretics, or are the children of heretics; af) there are some books that should be translated, especially the one by 'Spondano' [Henri de Sponde]. This request is accepted; ag) they will also pay for the translation of 'Baronio' in English, which could be done by 'Valcherio' [John Walker]; and ah) other points of doubt were also discussed. They received an answer saying that this should be done by someone else.
Date discussed: 1674-07-21
Additional comments
This is made on a meeting of CP, the Congregazione Particolare on Scotland, made for the General meeting of PF, GP, the Congregazione Generale.
PF
APF CP 23, 222r-225r
1674-07-23
[Adressed to PF]
These points have first been adressed in the a CP report on the mission in Scotland, see: APF CP 23, 176r-196v (database item 809).
CP has taken notes about the issues adressed before, but these seem to be in an earlier stage, see: APF CP 23, 201r-202v (database item 811).
original; unsigned
Latin
Report
812
Origin:[Rome]
Report on the Scottish mission, 1674-07-21, [Rome]
Barbary (unspecified or several locations)
Capuchins
Conversion
Jesuits
Scottish Catholics abroad
Tripoli
Report on the Scottish mission. In 1668, PF received a report on the Scottish mission from the prefect Alesandro Winstero [Alexander Winster]. This report was discussed during PF meeting of 27 September 1669. After this meeting, the affairs of the Scottish mission were referred to this particular congregation.
In the report the following subjects are being discussed: a) the size and location of Scotland; b) the rule and language of Scotland; c) the location of the mission in Scotland; d) the amount of people; e) Catholicism, errors and abuse; f) the goods of the church; and g) the many obstacles the Holy Faith faces in Scotland. According to the law it is prohibited to say or listen to mass. Priests face the death penalty, and the lay people face the penalty of having their goods confiscated. The heretics also force the Catholics to go to their University, where they run the risk of conversion. Catholics are not allowed to take public office in Scotland, because they cannot take the required oath, and the number of missionaries in the area is insufficient; the solution to the last issue is better administration of the Scottish Colleges overseas. To achieve this, they propose the following solutions: 1) that all Colleges should receive a visitation that makes sure that the foundations of the Colleges are respected. The Scottish College in Paris claims that it was not founded to produce missionaries, but to house Scottish students who want to study at the university. After finishing their studies they were free to choose a career to their liking. Now however, new houses have been bought and there are 10 students (not including the superior, prefect and servants), who are all willing to return to Scotland. The missionaries in Scotland also select the students on their willingness to return. The procurator of the mission proposes that since the Nuncio will not be able to make the proposed visitation, they will ask Cardinal De Bouillon [Card'le di Buglione] to visit instead; both he and his uncle (marshal Turenne), are very affectionate to the Scottish nation. The second College is in Douai, and whilst the prefect is not sure with what intention the College was founded, it is believed that it always created its own revenue; there used to be around 30 students residing at the College. Nowadays, the Jesuits (who are the superiors of the College), state that the College has hardly any money, and that the original donation was not made to the College itself, but to their mission; there are also few students still living at the College. The secretary informs PF that on 8 February 1667 it was decided to let S'r Intern'o di Fiandra make the visitation. At that time however, the city was conquered by the French and he could not enter; 2) the third College is in Madrid, and according to the Prefect [Paluzio Altieri] it was founded by a Scottish nobleman, colonnello Sempelio [colonel Sempill]. Its noted that there have been very few students at the College, and it is administered by the Jesuits. The secretary [Francesco Ravizza] states that in 1668 Cardinal Borromeo [Federico Borromeo] had the instructions to visit the College (he was nuncio at the time), but he does not seem to have done this. The procurator will ask the current nuncio to make the visitation. The fourth College is in Rome. The procurator believes that cardinal Barbarini had visited this college often over the past few years. In general, the procurator states that the Colleges give little assistance to the mission. The College of Rome, which had the best chances of creating missionaries, has been limited to just four students. This is caused either by the Jesuits who do not chose capable students, or by the superiors and ministers of the College, who do not educate the youth with prudence and kindness. For the other Colleges, (except Paris, where the youths do not have any obligation to become missionaries), there does not seem to be of much use for the mission, at least for the secular clergy. This leaves the mission only protected by PF, who proposes that regular visits are made, in order to make the youth serve the nation. The prefect also asks the visitors of the Colleges to substitute any students that are not suitable for the mission. The prefect asks the visitors to instruct them in particular in Christian virtues, controversies, cases of conscience, in administering the sacraments, rites, ceremonial practices, and preaching, and they should also all visit conferences during their studies. The procurator of the mission adds that in the College of Rome they no longer carry out these expectations. For this reason, the students are forced to stay for some time in Paris, before going to the mission. The prefect proposes that when the students are not instructed in the Colleges, the rectors of these Colleges should be forced to send the students (at the expense of the Colleges) to a seminary. When the students are sent back to their countries without any experience as missionaries, they are of little use. The secretary states that during PF meeting of 4 February 1664, it was proposed that the students of the Scottish College in Rome would be used for some time to take care of the city's souls, in order to send them to the mission fully prepared; 3) the prefect believes that it would be better if the election of students for the College of Rome would be done by the prefect and the missionaries. They should find a person zealous to his country and the mission, and should check if the Colleges actually followed the instructions previously listed; the procurator says that without this last issue, all the others would be neglected or not be enforced at all; 4) due to the number of missionaries being very small, in comparison to the needs of the country (every day the number of Catholics is increasing), the prefect deems it necessary to increase the amount of missionaries. These should not only come from the College of Rome, but also the other Colleges. Right now there are eight missionaries divided over five dioceses, and the others do not currently have any missionaries; 5) it is not right that the only Irish missionary is Fran'co Bianchi [Francis White], who has worked for many fruitful years for the mission. According to White they could easily find more Irish missionaries with help from his brother. The prefect already asks to reserve 20 scudi as travel money for three or four persons. It is hoped that PF deems these people suitable, as one of the two Irish Franciscans of the mission has already died. The procurator says that in the Highlands and on the islands people are more inclined to the Holy faith, and that there is a smaller risk of persecution. The procurator proposes that they will focus their efforts on these areas, because he believes that the conversion of the Lowlands depends of those in the Highlands. The Irish Franciscans who went to the Highlands spoke the local language, but now they all left. If PF decides to use regular priests they should make sure that they understand that they are subjected to the prefect of the mission, from whom they receive faculties and provisions; 6) because all the requisites have been used, PF is asked to give the nuncio to France the money to buy portable altars. The procurator says that there is a big need for chasubles and chalices. All the priests should have their own, as they live very far away from each other. It should be made clear however, that these items belong to the mission and not to the missionaries themselves; 7) there should be money reserved to buy books on controversies and devotion, as they will be useful for not just the Catholics, but also among the heretics; 8) the immediate time after their arrival is always very hard for the missionaries. They have used all their traveling money, and have to wait an entire year before receiving their next provisions. The prefect asks PF to send the provision for the missionaries to the prefect, so that the missionaries can start working directly after they arrived. If someone is unable to go to the mission, it is up to the prefect to get the money back. The secretary states that this problem was recently resolved, when it was decided that the missionaries of Scotland would be paid one semester in advance; 9) the prefect asks to set a date for when the provisions begin, so that the missionaries know how much time they have before being paid. According to the secretary, this is the day that they start to work for the mission. In the case of illness, its noted that PF may continue to support the missionaries; 10) because PF has always been very zealous towards the Scottish mission, they want to find a way in which the missionaries can live honorable lives. The English missionaries own patrimonial goods, or are supported by noble houses where they serve as chaplains; regular priests might be supported by their superiors. The Scottish Catholics that own patrimonial goods, are layman or part of an order, and only very few become secular priests. At this moment none of the secular priests have any patrimonial goods. There are very few Catholics in Scotland, and they live very far away from each other. The missionaries first stay at one house for a few days and then travel further to another one. Even though they are staying with Catholics, they use their provision to pay for their living, and often live among heretics. It is common that they are very lonely, start to get bored and become very silent. At mass, they hardly ever receive money from the Catholics. The Catholics are usually very poor, as they are excluded from public office and forced to pay the protestant priests. The life of the missionaries is very insecure and full of fear, and they are afraid to leave without the license of PF. After receiving their license they either have to retreat for a while to recover from illness, or they are too old or tired to be of any use for the mission; they are forced to live the rest of their lives in poverty. The Jesuits for example have always received a subsidy and always stayed in Scotland, even during the most dangerous times. Some pious people from Paris sent Irish missionaries to the Highlands, and paid them 100 scudi for travel and living expenses. As these priests did not receive any alms, they were not able to pay for their living. The situation in Scotland is not the same as in England, and the mission needs a stable base. They ask PF to help the mission, because without any help this church cannot exist much longer, and the students will abandon the mission; 11) they propose to use the revenue of one of the Scottish Colleges for the mission itself. They suggest the College in Madrid as hardly any Scottish students went there, so it is of little value to the mission. It also would not be against the wishes of the founder, because he simply wanted to help his Fatherland, which is better served with the mission itself than with the College; 12) though the missionaries behave themselves, they could (because of their isolated position), ignore their duty if they are not controlled by the prefect. They ask that in the case of missionaries who have received multiple warnings, to give the prefect (together with two missionaries), permission to limit or revoke the faculties of these missionaries; 13) they ask PF to permit the prefect (or someone nominated by PF), to stay in Edinburgh. The council is located in Edinburgh, and it is also where the Catholics have to go for the courts; 14) the procurator says that if regular priests would work for the Scottish mission, they should be spread over the dioceses. This is applied to the secular priests, and they should not be allowed to just stay in comfortable areas, and the houses of Catholics; 15) there are three universities in Scotland, one in Glasgow, Aberdeen and St. Andrew, as well as a College in Edinburgh. It is suggested therefore that there should also be somewhere for the care of missionaries. They suggest that this be assigned to the Jesuits; 16) because there is no bishop is Scotland to administer the sacrament of confirmation, PF suggests that on occasion, a bishop from Ireland should visit; 17) there are many potential students for the Colleges of Rome, Madrid and Douai, and the Jesuits should make their decision, without any bias; 18) there are many Scots outside Scotland that have sworn to become missionaries but never did. Therefore they should be forced to return to the mission or send a substitute in their place; 19) the rectors of the Colleges should not receive any students without permission from the prefect of the mission, or at least from the missionaries themselves; 20) the Jesuits should be forced to teach the students in Scotland; 21) the Catholics are forced to send their children to the schools of the heretics, where they run the risk of being converted. PF asks thats all missionaries to do something about this, and to either make sure that the children have Catholic schoolmasters, or to send them to the school of the mission; 22) because the schoolmasters cannot live on the 30 scudi given to them, they have to ask for a provision from the students. They propose to forbid the schoolmasters from taking anything from the children, and instead raise their income to 60 scudi. This was already decided during PF meeting of 4 February 1664, however the prefect was satisfied with 30 scudi, and money being taken from the students; it was this reason however, why many students were not able to go to the schools; 23) since the two schoolmasters are secular they should become missionaries, and two other priests should be found in their place; 24) the prefect should be given the faculties to consecrate chalices and portable altars, as there is no bishop in Scotland. Its noted that the prefects in Asia work in the same way; 25) the house in Dieppe (which has already been approved by PF), depends completely on PF for money, and for other problems which have yet to be explained by Card’l Antonio b. [Antonio Barberini Jr.]. PF should provide the money for at least one house in Dieppe or Cacen [Caen?]. In this way the Scots will be more eager to work for the mission. PF does the same thing for the Franciscan mission in Albania, the mission in Cairo, Egypt, in Tripolo for the missions on the coast of Africa, the missions in India by the Theatines in Lisbon and Goa, and the Capuchins in Lisbon who work for the mission in the Congo; 26) they propose to give the nuncio’s to Flanders and to France the authority to give dimissorial letters to young Scots. This will make the Scots more eager to become part of the clergy, and does not force them to travel far away. This will also make them more loyal towards their own Fatherland; 27) at the College of PF, the students learn way more about ecclesiastical matters, which they do not learn with the Jesuits. Therefore they ask PF to receive someone from the Scottish Highlands, so that in time this person can work as schoolmaster; 28) PF has already been asked on several occassions to send a visitor to the mission, but it has never materialized since they have not been able to find a suitable person. They propose to choose a Scottish or Irish priest, in order to not to create any suspicion; 29) PF decided to have a superior general in Scotland, but this did not happen as the Jesuits opposed the plan. This would have allowed one person to oversee everything; the secular priests never gave any information on the regular priests, therefore PF never knows what they are doing. The secretary found a few relevant decrees on this matter, one from 9 July 1630, and the other from 5 August 1630. Both are on the office of superior for the Scottish mission; and 30) its requested by the faculty to the prefect, permission to nominate a vice-prefect who would substitute him in the case of absence or death; this happens in Asia and other remote places. In the case of death, all faculties should be given to the oldest missionary until PF appoints a new prefect. The secretary found a decree about this on the missions in Asia which is being cited. (A longer summary in English is available in the transcription file.)
Date discussed: 1674-07-21
Additional comments
Gio' Brenano is named as 'hora Vescouo/ Vaterfordien.' This must refer to the bishopric of Waterford and Lismore, who is indentified as John Brenan.
PF
APF CP 23, 176r-196v
1674-07-21
For thoughts on the doubts adressed at the end of this report, see: APF CP 23, 197r-200r (database item 810) and APF CP 23, 232r-v (database item 813).
For further discussions on the other issues adressed in this document, see: APF CP 23, 201r-202v (database item 811) and APF CP 23, 222r-225r (database item 812).
Original
Italian
Latin
Report
809
Origin: [Rome]
Letter from Jean Le Vacher to [the PF secretary,Francesco Ravizza], 1674-05-31, Algiers.
Algiers
Barbary (unspecified or several locations)
Capuchins
Conversion
Slave priests
Slaves (Christian)
Trinitarians
Tunis
Salé
Letter from Gio' Le Vacher [Jean Le Vacher] to PF. From the letter that PF has sent to him, Le Vacher understood that PF has been very surprised that he already paid Marcello Costa (who is going to be a missionary in Bizerte), the 30 scudi that was promised by PF. Because of the financial difficulties of Costa, Le Vacher did not only have to give him the money, but also clothes. Le Vacher does not think that Costa did any wrong by staying in Tunis for some time, since there was a great need of priests. There are many poor Christian Catholics in this city, while in Bizerte, there are mostly heretics or scismatics. Now that the two Capuchins sent by PF have arrived in Tunis, he will make sure that Costa will leave for Biserte. Le Vacher asks PF to refund the money to the superior of the CM house in Rome. Now, he will inform PF about the state of Christianity in these regions. They try to cultivate the word of God in as good as manner as possible, and because of the sacraments, most people remain true to the Holy Faith. Moreover, several German, Dutch and Swedish heretics have converted. However, it is true that they lose more souls than they win. Young people have converted in their greatest numbers, mostly because the Mercedarian priests from Spain and Portugal have not been visiting for two years. In Algiers there are 25 slave priests (regulars as well as seculars), who are all in need of help, due to their poverty. In Tetouan there are two priests, there is one at Fes, and at the moment there are none at Sale. When he finds someone to send there, he will inform PF.
Additional comments
Jean Le Vacher
APF SC Barbaria 1, 308r-309v
1674-05-31
[Adressed to Francesco Ravizza]
copy; signed
Italian
Letter
884
Origin: Algiers
Destination: Rome
Respons to a serie of doubts, [1674]
Conversion
Non-Catholic Christians
Scotland
Scottish colleges
Response to a series of doubts; a) a missionary can legally conclude a marriage when there is either a risk of persecution, or whether it is needed to evade a scandal; b) the matrimony will only be valid when they first appear before a priest and two other people, before being married by a heretic priest. The marriage concluded in front of the heretic priest is not sacramental, but is merely a civic procedure; c) the Catholic priest involved should not give the spouses a testimonial letter, as he may risk gis life by doing so. This is also not necessary for the validity of the marriage; d) in a marriage in which the spouses received apostolic dispensation, the children are consequently legal; e) heretics who convert are probably irregular, and this is also ackowledged by law for their children as well. It is necessary therefore to let the missionaries give faculties; f) The congregations should add their own opinion on the matter; g) a marriage of two Catholics concluded by a heretic priest is probably valid, as decided by the council of Trent. They do have to conclude the marriage before a Catholic priest as well, but when this is not possible, it is not obligatory; h) if there is a real imminent danger, and if they are sure that the Catholics use the right procedure and requisites, it is not sin to allow children to be baptized by heretic priests, as everyone is allowed to babtize; i) Catholic priests can, and should baptize children born from fornication or adultry. Otherwise there will be the danger that the child will die before adulthood. It will also only bring advantage to the heretics; j) the parents of children who are forced to go to the schools of the heretics, are not able to do something about this, because because that would result in the persecution of the children; k) it could be a sin for those who are (according to the Jus Patronato) allowed to select people for benefices, and elect a heretic; l) those who once kept the fabrics of the priests should replace them, in case the country becomes Catholic again; m) there have previously been questions about whether Catholics can buy goods that once belonged to the church. PF allowed this with the condition that the goods were restituted to the church; and n) the catholics do not sin by paying the tenth or other taxes, because they have no way to be exempted from them. If they would see a way to be exempted from paying these taxes, it would be the right thing to do.
Additional comments
This document consists of different parts, one of them is a series of doubts. Within this CP, there is a second copy of this list, practically identical to the first one, found on f. 233r-234v. While this one is part of a bigger document the other one has a title: "Dubij Venuti da un Regno infetto d’Heresia, che ui domina" (f. 223r). Besides differences in abbreviations and spelling, there are other varieties as well: this one says: "se sia permesso à i missionarij" (f. 195r), while the other one has "se sia p’messo a missionarij," (f. 233r). This one reads: "Se gl’Eretici, che in Scotia per l’eresia/ non sono infami," (f. 195r), the other one "Se li Heretici, che nel regno, del quale si par/ la p’ l’Heresia non sono infami," (f. 233v-234r). This one has "ne Collegij Scozzesi oltrama/rini" (f. 233v), where the other one has "ne Collegij nationali," (f. 233v). This one says "la S. Sede {non} sia con/sapeuole di questo. Si domanda," (f. 195v), where the other one says "la S. Sede Ap’ca non sia consapeuole di/ questo, onde si domanda," (f. 233v). This one says "e quando ne habbiano bisogno, si/ supplica per essa a fauore degl’Alunni del/ Collegio di Parigi, e delli sacerdoti già pro/mossi senta dispensa tale à gl’ordini sacri," (f. 196r) while it is missing in the other one. In this one there is written: "raccon/tando gl’Istorici Inglesi, che il Consilio di/ Trento fù riceuuto dalli Vescoui Catt’ci in un/ Sinodo tenuto in Edimburgo," (f. 196r), while in the other one there is: "raccon/tando gl’Historici del Regno, del quale si/ parla, che il Concilio di Trenot fù riceuuto/ dalli Vescoui Catt’ci di poi scacciati," (f. 233v). This one has "Se li Catt’ci in Scotia pecchino con permet/tere che li loro figlioli siano battezzati/ dagl’Eretici, acciò che essi non siano mo/lestati da i Predicanti," (f. 196r), while in the other one there is "Se i Cattolici nel regno sud’o infetto tutto d’/Heresia, che ui domina, pecchino con p’mettere/ che i loro figloli siano battezzati dalli Heretici/ accioche essi non siano molestati da/ Predicanti, e magistrati eretici," (f. 233v). This one reads: "Se i Catt’ci di Scotia, li quali non possono," (f. 196v), where in the other one its: "Se i Catt’ci del regno, del quale si parla, li/ quali non possono," (f. 234r). This one has "Se quelli, che hanno il jus patronato di nomi/nare à Benefitij," (f. 196v), the other one "Se quelli che hanno al antiquo in tempo de/ Catt’ci il Jus Patronato di nominare a/ Benefitij," (f. 234v).
[PF]
APF CP 23, 232r-v
[1674]
These 14 doubts have earlier been adressed in the CP in a report on the mission in Scotland, see: APF CP 23, 176r-196v (database item 809).
original; unsigned
Latin
Italian
Notes
813
Origin:[Rome]
Anonymous notes on a series of doubts, [1674]
Conversion
Scotland
Scottish colleges
Anonymous notes on a series of questions: a) whether it is allowed for a priest to marry a Catholic with a heretic to prevent fornication, considering the two have already been married by a heretic priest and share a house and bed. When there is a difference in religion usually missionaries are not allowed to marry the couple. Therefore no dispensation is given. Besides, the fact that there are many heretics living in the same place under a ruler of a different religion does not change the practice in Germany, England, and Scotland; b) it is not forbidden for Catholics to let a heretic priest collaborate in a wedding. If there is a risk of persecution they are allowed to be married in this manner, to prevent a scandal; c) the Catholic priest is not requested to write a testimony, because this is not necessary for the health of the marriage, and thus he should not risk his life; d) children of married heretics born before the conversion of their parents (who later received dispensation), are legitimate and not irregular; e) heretics who accepted the true religion are irregular, as are their children, and both need dispensation; f) there is a special decree from 28 November 1668 that gives dispensation to the studens of the Scottish Colleges; g) a marriage between two Catholics performed by a heretic priest (despite what was said at the council), is valid. Since the bishops have been forced to leave the country, the decree of the Congregation of the Holy Office on the subject of the Christians in Malavari, is to be enforced; h) it is not allowed to let children be baptized by a heretic priest. A PF decree says that it is not a sin; however, such a baptism is not valid when there is the possibility to baptize the children in a Catholic parish; i) children should always be baptized in case they die before reaching maturity; j) the access to heretic schools is very dangerous for boys. That is why, on 5 December 1668, the Congregation of the Holy Office decided that they should not be sent to these schools; k) the appointment of heretics to benefices according to Jus Patronatus is not valid, because heretics are not allowed to hold benefices. However, in order to not lose this right, the appointment of heretics will be tolerated; l) it is not necessary to have the Catholics restore the vestments of the churches. However, it would be a laudable thing to do, as it would restore the hope in the return of Catholicism in Scotland; m) the selling and buying of certain goods to/from non-believers is allowed for Catholics, but only if the purchase involves goods that used to belong to the church, which will be then returned to the church; and n) Catholics do not sin by paying the [heretic] tithe, considering that they are forced to do so.
Additional comments
This document seems to be written by one person, as it uses the first person singular, but it is not known to us by whom.
There are two versions of this document in this CP; the other is to be found on page 203r-206r. Beside some abbreviations, there are not many differences between the two. This version has the title "Super Dubijs," while the title is missing in the other. Other differences include:
- "Parocho" in this version (f. 198r) is rendered in the other version as "Paroco" (f. 202r) or "Parochus" underlined (f. 203r);
- "poenitentes" in this version (f. 198v) is rendered in the other version as "pęnitentes" (202v).
APF CP 23, 197r-200r
[1674]
These 14 doubts had already been adressed earlier in this CP in a report on the mission in Scotland, see: APF CP 23, 176r-196v (database item 809).
Original; unsigned
Latin
Notes
810
Origin:[Rome]
Letter from [Marcello Costa] to PF, [1671 or later]
Tunis area
Conversion
Galleys
Capuchins
Slaves (Christian)
Slave priests
Tunis
Bizerte
Because PF asked for information about the missionaries in the infidel lands, Marcello Costa has made this report: a) since he arrived in Tunis, the Provicar Luigi Da Palermo assigned four bagnos to him, as there were many Christians that had not confessed. Now they not only confess, but have also taken Holy communion; b) because there are so many Christians, he usually only administers the sacraments during the most important feast days; c) he introduced the singing of the office of the death, every Saturday in the bagno of S. Francesco; d) in other bagnos (assigned to slave priests), he also takes confessions. There he found obstinate sinners who he made take penance and attend the sacraments; e) on Saturdays and during the nights of the feast days, he visits many bagnos. He takes confessions up to midnight, and during the morning he has to celebrate mass in his own chapels, of which he has two. He used to have four chapels, but because thare are more priests, he now only has two; f) he solved a very old problem that began during the time of Antonio Di Seravezza, between the French consul and the local Christians. The consul used to take the pezze da otto, which all Christian ships were required to pay to the church of Tunis; g) he has travelled to many different places to administer the sacraments, including at least four trips to Cantera and Bizerte, but also to Portofarino, Lamadia and Colombaia. There are around 2,000 Christians there, and it was very dangerous as he had to travel alone. There are Christian slaves in remote places that have not seen a priest since they were made slave. After his arrival they became very emotional, to which he consoled them and made them take confession; h) when he arrived he found some neglected altars which he cleaned; and i) when he arrived he found a women with three daughters that were in danger to lose their virginity and their faith.
Additional comments
The issue of the money that the ships had to pay to the church of Tunis, actually started before Antonio Di Seravezza was in Tunis; it has been a problem at least since Girolamo Da Sassari. The writer of the document is probably Marcello Costa, who indeed arrived in Tunis in 1671.
APF SOCG 438, 352r-v
[1671 or later]
Original; end missing
Italian
Report
772
Origin: Tunis
Destination: Rome
Letter from Jean Le Vacher to PF, 1671-01-20, Algiers
Algiers
Capuchins
Conversion
Slaves (Christian)
Trinitarians
Tunis
Slave priests
Letter from the vicar apostolic in Algiers Jean Le Vacher, who writes that he has ransomed a Capuchin (Luigi Da Palermo) for 677 scudi, and that he sent him to Tunis to help the people there. Luigi Da Palermo has also written to Le Vacher about an Ethiopian slave named Stefano, who endures many beatings because he does not want to renounce his faith; it would cost 177 piastre to free him. Jean Le Vacher also writes that the Christians live virtuously, which has motivated some heretics to convert. The slave priests there need three piastre a month in order to be able to feed and dress themselves. The slaves from the Papal States have no hope of being saved, while slaves from other areas are regularly ransomed; for instance, there are many Trinitarians from Castile, Andalusia and Flanders who ransom people from their own areas. Because of their hopeless situation, the slaves from the Papal States are tempted to renounce the faith. Some declared themselves subjects of the king of France so that they could be ransomed. PF decides that Cardinal de Maximus will give money to the Trinitarians, so that they can free Stefano and other Christian slaves from the Papal States.
Date discussed: 1671-08-03
Additional comments
Jean Le Vacher
APF SOCG 429, 278r-279v
1671-01-20
Adressed to PF
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 41, 243r, 252r-v.
There is a letter by PF which is probably the response to this one, see: APF Lettere 57, 75r (database item 863).
Original; signed
Italian
Latin
Letter
716
Origin: Algiers
Destination: Rome
Letter from Luigi Da Palermo to [the PF secretary, Federico Baldeschi], 1670-12-10, Tunis
Capuchins
Conversion
Ransom
Slaves (Christian)
Seravezza case
Letter from Luigi Da Palermo. He writes that he is very grateful for everything that has been done for him. He asks for the confirmation of his position as vicar apostolic of Tunis, because some Christians only accept the authority of Antonio Di Saraveza, who also claims to be apostolic vicar of Tunis. Luigi also asks for money in order to ransom Christian slaves. Many of them have been forced by their masters to renounce their faith.
Date discussed: 1671-08-06
Additional comments
Luigi Da Palermo
APF SOCG 430, 225r-v
1670-12-10
Adressed to [the PF secretary, Federico Baldeschi]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 41, 305r, 330r-338r.
Original; signed
Italian
Letter
720
Origin: Tunis
Destination: Rome
Letter from Antonio Catalaro, a slave in Tunis, to [Antonio Di Seravezza?], 1670-02-02, Tunis
Franciscans
Conversion
Seravezza case
Slaves (Christian)
Tunis
Letter from Antonio Catalaro [a slave in Tunis], to [Antonio Di Seravezza]. In another letter dated 24 October, he told Di Seravezza that 24 people converted to Islam, but now on 21 January, there are 60 who have converted, and everyday others follow. Its noted that since Di Seravezza left them, they are living like animals. It has been seven months since he left, and still he has not been able to remove the Lutherans, and enable himself to return and console their souls. They do not believe that the French king would fail to do justice, if he would have visited. Since it has already been quite some time, they do not believe that he will ever come back. There are six thousand souls in the hands of the barbarian enemies, and Christians are dying without receiving the sacraments. If the pope and PF would hear these things, they do not know what would happen. Di Seravezza is to blame for their situation, as he reports that things are going well, despite the current events. At the end of the letter, Catalaro asks Di Seravezza to hand the letter to PF.
Additional comments
Antonio Catalaro
APF SC Barbaria 1, 175r
1670-02-02
[Adressed to Antonio Di Seravezza]
copy; signed
Italian
Letter
878
Origin: Tunis
Destination: unknown
Statement by Antonio Amarroty about the conflict between Antonio Di Seravezza and Jean Ambrozin, 1669-12-12, Marseille
Tunis
Capuchins
Conversion
Malta
Ransom
Franciscans
Renegades
Seravezza case
Copy of a statement on behalf of Antonio Di Seravezza, a Minor Observant from Rome, who also served as vicar apostolic in Tunis and Tripoli for three years, after he received this authority by Girolamo Da Sassari. In September 1668 he left Tunis for Rome. The French consul in Tunis, Giovanni Ambrogini [Jean Ambrozin] should have collected alms for S. Antonio Abate, in order to buy the necessary things for the church, and also in order to conserve the churchyard; he should also have bought a gift for the Agha. The consul has always been aware of this, but never said anything to the church nor given alms. For this reason Girolamo Da Sassari (the apostolic vicar at the time), threatened to report the case to the pope and the king of France, if the consul would not concede the alms to the church; the consul responded that he did not know any pope, cardinal or king, after which Girolamo Da Sassari was forced to leave. Knowing that his abscence would leave the community without a leader, he [Da Sassari] decided to leave Antonio Di Seravezza in his place. The latter left the bagno of S.ta Lucia and took the room in the house of the consul, that Girolamo Da Sassari had previously used. In December 1669 a French woman called Chiara was ransomed, the greater part was paid by the merchants and slaves. The consul gave the woman a room in his residence very close to his own, and next to the chapel and the altar. When Antonio Di Seravezza said the midnight mass of Easter in the chapel of the consulate, there were many merchants and slaves present, only the consul and Chiara were absent. When he asked the merchants and slaves were they were, they said that the consul had laid in bed with the woman. After this night a servant of the consul named Pietro went to the room of Di Seravezza and asked him to do something about the scandalous situation of his master. At Easter Di Seravezza said mass in all the chapels, after which he went to the consulate where he begged the consul to put the woman on a ship that would soon leave for France. The consul responded, saying that the woman did not want to go to France but to Livorno, in order to be able to travel to Sardinia where her husband lived. Di Seravezza was trying to help the consul, but he took offence and continued in his vice. All the nations started saying that the residence of the French consul was a public brothel, but the consul kept refusing to send the woman away. During Ascension Di Seravezza went to all the bagni to take confessions, after which he returned very tired to the consulate. When passing by the room of the consul, he saw things he cannot describe. He told the consul that he was not living a Christian life, that he would leave his residence, and that the consul should take in mind that his room was so close to the Holy sacrament. The consul responded by stating that he would remove the sacrament, and that he could do whatever he wanted in his own residence; the consul later beat Di Seravezza with a stick and told him that he had to leave his house. He moved to the bagno of S. Leonardo, and the sacrament was also moved. The consul went to the Bey and told him that Di Seravezza had remained in Tunis, in order to make the slaves and renegades flee. Di Seravezza was arrested and beaten up, and as they were about to enslave him, the highest person after the Agha said that he never heard any bad things about Di Seravezza, stating that he risked his own life by going to Malta to mediate for the Christian slaves. He was saved by this person, and he told Di Seravezza that he has always done good things, and that he should not live with the consul anymore. The Agha then went to the consul and orded him to send the woman away, after which she was sent to Livorno. The consul kept trying to condemn Di Seravezza, but with God's help, the Turks kept saving him. In July 1669 Di Seravezza converted two jews, who were named Giuseppe and Angiolo, and stayed in the house of a merchant named Labar. The consul used this situation to his advantage, by saying to the Bey that he already warned him about this, but that he did not want to believe him. The two rennegades were found in the house of Labar. When they were questioned they answered that they were Christians and that they were converted by God. They were tortured and confessed that it had been Di Seravezza who converted them. After being tortured they said that they wanted to become Turks, and because of the consul, these two souls were lost. The consul paid Turks and rennegades to beat Di Seravezza. Afterwards, the merchants and slaves decided that he had to go to Marseille. There in the convent he received a visit from Monsù Pras, who told Di Seravezza that he should be patient, as it would take another year until Ambrozin's consulate would be over. Di Seravezza said that this was too long, and that he could not leave five or six thousand souls without mass or the possibility to confess; Di Seravezza insisted that he [Pras] should think about the interests of the church, and about the Missione della Servitù that had made him chaplain; Monsù Pras only laughed about this, and Di Seravezza said that if he laughed about such a serious matter, he would go to Paris and plead his case to the king. Pras said that he would never reach Paris, and even if he did he would not get an audience. Di Seravezza responded by saying that he would bring his case to Rome. Eventually he decided to stay in Rome, as he did not want to make such a long trip for little purpose. However as it was winter and he was old, he decided to stay in Marseille. After the consuls of the cities visited him, and he told them everything about the case, and they had read the reports from merchants and slaves from Tunis, they told him that justice would be done; they would try to remove Amrozin from the consulate in order to let Di Seravezza resume his position as vicar apostolic.
Date discussed: 1671-08-06
Additional comments
There is also a later version of this document (from 1670); there, the first part is missing. At the end there is another line, saying: "Io Antonio Amarroty Mercante in Marsiglia fu fede e Confesso di hauer/ tradutto a litteram il presente verbale di francesce in Italiano." See: APF SC Barbaria 1, 178r-180v (database item 880).
Nicolas de Bausset
Antonio Amarroty
APF SOCG 430, 248r-249v, 255r-256r
1669-12-12
Adressed to [PF]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 41 305r, 330r-338r.
This verbale or statement is also mentioned elsewhere, see: APF SC Barbaria 1, 176r-177v (database item 879). For a later version of the same document (from 1670), see: APF SC Barbaria 1, 176r-177v (database item 880).
Copy
Italian
Statement
734
Origin: Marseille
Destination:
Letter from Antonio Di Seravezza to [the nuncio to France, Pietro Bargellini], 1669-12-01, Marseille
Conversion
Franciscans
Renegades
Seravezza case
Tunis
Letter from Antonio Di Serauezza to the nuncio to France, Pietro Bargellini. It has been four months since he left Tunis. He writes to inform the nuncio about the tyranny and cruelty of the consul [Jean Ambrozin], who has driven away two vicar apostolics because they asked him to give back the money that he took from the church. They hoped he would stop living a dishonest life, which not only shocked the Christians but also the Turks (as one can learn from the statements written by the merchants and slaves, that he had sent to the nuncio). He is afraid though that the nuncio has not received the letters, because he never got an answer. He sent his letters to the nuncio through Calaman (a merchant), and to Monsu del Ormo, who would give them to both the nuncio and the duchess of Agaglion, who would then inform the queen. As he did not receive any response, he decided to go to Monsu Prata, because he knew the consulate of Marseille. They told him that if he would go to Paris, Colbert would make sure that he would not get an audience, since he received letters from the consul in Tunis. The consul himself eventually got hold of the letters that the merchants wrote against him. He called all the merchants to the consulate and threathened to give them 500 lashes and enslave them, if they did not drop their charges against him. He would never be able to abuse his power and to remain in his position, if it were not for the protection of Colbert. In order for Di Seravezza to return to Tunis, he wants Antonio Crocet, a Minor Observant, commissary of Terra Santa and an agent of PF in Marseille, to make the consul pay back the money, and to remove him from the position. The consul also told other rennegades that when he was no longer consul, he was planning on converting. Monsu Prat informs all of this to Colbert, who defends himself by saying that he trusts the letters of the consul, which despite being very well written, are actually full of lies. The consul should work as chaplain (as all consuls used to do), and he should also pay back the goods he took. If he does not, then Prata should be forced to pay it back. He writes that the answer to his letter should be adressed to Luigi Calaman.
Date discussed: 1670-11-10
Additional comments
The nuncio says in APF SOCG 424, 244r (database item 749), that he sent the original letter of Antonio Di Seravezza to PF.
Antonio Di Seravezza
APF SOCG 424, 247r-v
1669-12-01
Adressed to [Pietro Bargellini]
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 39, 197r, 201r-202v (database item 669).
See for the letter of the nuncio to France, Pietro Bargellini, who sent this letter, adressed to him, to PF: APF SOCG 424, 244r (database item 749).
See for the statement that is mentioned in this letter made by the merchants in Mareilles for Antonio Di Seravezza and against the consul: APF SOCG 430, 247r-v (database item 733).
Original; signed
Italian
Letter
751
Origin: Marseille
Destination: [Paris]
Report on the mission of Madagascar, 1669-05, CM
Madagascar
Conversion
Jesuits
Report on the Madagascar mission made by CM and given to PF in March 1669. This short report on the Madagascar mission is based on the letters written at various times by CM priests in Madagascar, with the authority of PF. The island of Madagascar is also called Saint Lawrence because it was discovered on the day dedicated to the memory of this martyr. By the French it was renamed Isola Delfina. It is located south of the Tropic of Capricorn, and is not far from the African continent; from 'Promontorio' in Mozambique it is around 70 miles. In length it reaches from around the eighth degree from the Equator for approximately 600 miles, the width of the island is at some points 200, and at others 400 miles. Because of its location the temperatures are very high but not intolerable. The island is divided in many regions by high mountains. Those who are most informed about the island believe that there are 400,000 people, and in every province there is a patron. There are around 300 or 400 vassals of these kings. They do not really deserve the title of king, first of all because they are not king of all the people, and secondly because they live so poorly; they have around 3,000 or 4,000 oxen, and around one third harvest rice and carrots. There is no-one in France with a title who does not live more splendidly than the greatest man in Madagascar, where such a title is not hereditary. Under the king there are other men, less rich than the first. All the grand men practice carpeting for pleasure. In Madagascar there are two kinds of inhabitants, black people with curly hair, who are the original people. The others are white, have long hair, and travelled from Persia 500 years ago. In some provinces they are the patrons of the blacks, in others they are subjected. For their origins, they refer to a certain 'Ramini' who has been created by the foam of the sea, and was a friend of Mohammed. In all parts of the island most villages are found at the foot of the mountains, from where an abundance of water flows, that ends in the sea nearby. There are no cities or fortresses. All houses are made of wood and covered with leaves and are very low, which makes it very hard to enter and leave. The kitchen and fire are made without a chimney. They do not have a bed or chair, but instead do everything on the wooden floor. People usually eat rice, oxen and goats. There is no wheat or wine, instead they drink a beverage made of apples. There are many roots, beans, watermelons, and lemons but there are no animals to hunt, except some boars. None of the inhabitants wear any headwear, they have naked feet, and use oil in their hair. Everybody wears the same long clothes, but they differ in quality. Children upto the age of seven or eight are completely naked. They all have a hole in their ear filled with a piece of wood, on which they put some gold or a shell.
They live really long lives, and some say they are so old that they cannot count the years anymore. There is not a real religion among the people on the islands, and there is no temple or priest anywhere. There are however a few ceremonies and superstitions that were introduced 500 years ago, by the whites who are 'Cafri' from the coasts of Persia. They found the original inhabitants of the island simple and without law or religion. They easily turned to the superstitions of Mohammed. They confess that they is a Lord of the universe that they call 'Zenharé' but they keep him in the sky where he is a king in his own realm. Among them there is a sect of men called ‘Ombassi’ which means writers, and they lead the ceremonies, the traditions, and the superstitions of the country. They carry books which do not have a lot of text, but only some sentences or saying's from the Koran, which have been brought by the men coming from Persia. The usage of circumcision is found all over the island. The whites have some kind of fasting of two months in which they cannot eat from sunrise to sunset. They do not eat oxen and do not drink wine. The superstition that is the most opposed to the honor of God is the use of 'Olys.' The Ombiassi make them out of wood or hollow root and sell them. These idols are made in the shape of a man or an animal. They fill them with oil mixed with dust, and think them to be alive. The people bring these idols everywhere they go, and believe that they help them with all kinds of things. When they have to cross a river they ask their Olys to help them. In the case that someone gets eaten, people use to say that his Olys were not good. They have the cruel tradition to throw away children on Sunday, that are born in the night on Saturday. The first Europeans to come to the island were the Portuguese and the Dutch. They had some posts on the island, and brought with them some Jesuits. Eventually the Portuguese left the island. When the French Indian Company heard about the island, they sent a group of men, all of whom were Catholics, except for around 10 heretics. They also brought some priests with them to help them in their spiritual needs. When CM priests arrived on the island they found one of the priests, who had not made a lot of progress because of the heretic's captain, who allowed the heretic sermon to be held in his house. For this reason the population of the island was confused and did not convert. The French Indian Company eventually sent back the heretic captain, and refused to allow any other heretic to travel there. A Catholic captain was sent to the island, along with two CM priests. They were staying in a place close to the Tropic of Capricorn, that was called ‘Hittolangar’ by the natives. There was also a castle called the Castle Dauphin. When the CM priests arrived, there were only five baptized children on the island. The priests tried to learn the language of the island, in order to explain the mysteries of the faith. The blacks were easier to instruct than the whites. They told the blacks, after they listened with attention, that they should not curse, not work on Sundays, and not steal. The rulers of the island did not want their slaves to be instructed in the service of God, as they were afraid they would discover their wickedness. The disposition of the island towards the Christian faith becomes clear, from a letter of one of the missionaries who wrote to CM superior general [Vincent De Paul]. He informs them that he wants the natives first to know how to pray to God, before they are baptized. They told the missionary that they are afraid to get baptized, since they fear that the French would not stay for a long time on the island, and that afterwards the whites might kill them. The missionary also informs Vincent De Paul that some of the greatest men of the island have sent their children away to be instructed, and that these have already thrown away their Olys. One of these families converted as a whole. The firstborn of another king called Dian Masso (who himself has been baptized), prays to God daily, and promised to instruct his wife and children. In the house of the missionary lives two children of the rulers of the island, and also their slaves who want to be baptized. The next year he was warned that three of the most important men on the island were about to die. He went to visit them, and eventually they begged him to be baptized, and to be buried after they died. After many other things the missionary ends his letter by saying that from his writing, one can see the great disposition of the people towards the Holy Faith. Its noted that 600 people already have converted, and one can hope that all of the 400,000 souls will eventually accept the faith. This letter was written in 1657, and the missionary died a few months later, leaving the people without a priest. Afterwards the French gave themselves to a sinful life, and started to fight the natives. From time to time they sent new missionaries to the island, but the majority never even arrived. The next missionaries to reach the island only arrived in 1663, and because the whole island was at war, they could not do a lot. The natives who converted risked their lives since the French were very hated. When the prefect of the mission went to instruct one of the leaders of the island (who wanted to convert or pretended to do so), he and his companion were killed. The last who travelled to the island were four priests, and some brothers. However as they were all sick, they could not really invest time in converting the infidels; in their last letter dated September 1668, its noted that they have all improved, and can continue to work for the religion and conversion of the infidels.
Additional comments
APF SC Africa, 36v-42v
1669-05
unsigned
Italian
Report
872
Origin:
Destination: Rome
Letter from Girolamo Da Sassari to Antonio Di Seravezza, 16[69]-01-16, Rome
Capuchins
Conversion
Franciscans
Ransom
Seravezza case
Tunis
Letter from Girolamo Da Sassari to Antonio Di Saraveza [Antonio Di Seravezza]. He has been in Rome for two months, due to the problems in Tunis. They have decided that there will be a Capuchin mission in the city, and that he will be its prefect. Many things that padre Damiano proposed were accepted (the kind of things that were only in their interest), which is why he does not want to go back to Tunis. He is however still willing to help his friend [Di Seravezza]. He hopes that they will see each other again and that he can tell him all the things that he cannot send in writing. Dottore Pagni, the grand duke of Florence, and the secretary of PF [Federico Baldeschi] have both shown him great respect for all the things he has done for the church. Levachier [Jean Le Vacher] cannot any longer pretend to have authority over the mission in Tunis, therefore he should only be concerned about Algiers. Caualli has become bishop in Napels, and he will visit him and give him the letters of Di Seravezza, to tell him about his suffering. He asks him to provide information on how things are going in Tunis. He has tried to help Mustafa della Meca who has converted, and the procurator general of the Celestines will also try to help him. He has given 170 pezze da otto reali to Labar, 150 to ransom Giacinto, and the other twenty are for Di Seravezza. He has also left behind some books, worth 50 pezze da otto reali, which should be used to atone Sig'r Carletto and Sig'r Biagio. He also asks to greet Sig'r Capitan Bernardo Rapalli, and Patron Martino, both from the bagno of San Francesco, and Angelo Bernardelli, Giulio Anastasio, Gio' Antonio, Andrea Caraca. He has tried to ransom the slave from Civitavecchia, but they did not want to let him go. PF wants the consul [Jean Ambrozin] to pay back everything he took from the church. He has been suprised that the consul has shown their writings, because it is very damaging to his reputation, but not to Da Sassari's. Before he can return to Tunis, he will first have to go to Sardinia, in order to see his general.
Date discussed: 1670-11-10
Additional comments
Because the paper is torn the two last numbers of the year are missing. Even though Girolamo Da Sassari says he has been in Rome for two months, he left Tunis in September 1668. The month of the letter is January, so the year has to be 1669. According to the discussion in PF many things described by Girolamo Da Sassari in this letter are made up by him. APF SOCG 424, 242r-243v (database item 748).
This would mean that Antonio Di Seravezza would still have been in Tunis, as he did not leave before August 1669.
Girolamo Da Sassari
APF SOCG 424, 245r-246v
16[69]-01-16
Adressed to Antonio Di Seravezza
For the minutes of the PF meeting where this matter was discussed, see: APF ACTA 39, 197r, 201r-202v (database item 669).
Original; signed
Italian
Letter
750
Origin: Rome
Destination: [Tunis]